Deputy Secretary Negroponte, your past service in key Ambassadorships and senior positions of authority over your long and distinguished career  has few parallels in the Department of State. 

We appreciate your valued service to our nation.
 
It was almost exactly one year ago, on May 10, 2006,  that your predecessor Robert Zoellick appeared before this committee to address the issue of a rising China and to propose that we focus our approach on encouraging the regime to assume the position of a “responsible stakeholder.”

Unfortunately, the scorecard on China’s progress in moving toward the “responsible stakeholder” role, reflects failing grades by most standards.
 
Some would argue that Beijing has been somewhat constructive in the Six-Party process on the North Korean nuclear question, following Pyongyang’s reckless nuclear test last fall. 

In the UN Security Council, Beijing has voted in favor of resolution 1718, which calls for sanctions against North Korea, as a result of North Korea’s continuing pursuit of nuclear weapons, in defiance of the international community.

Regarding Iran, China’s repeated refusal to permit significant sanctions being imposed on Iran has forced the U.S. and our allies to water down UN Security Council Resolutions 1696, 1737, and 1747, greatly reducing the pressure that can be brought to bear against the regime in Tehran. 

At the same time, China has vigorously pursued economic and military cooperation with Iran,  signing oil and gas deals totaling over $100 billion.

Despite years of affirmations that China has “seen the light” on missile proliferation, its missile technology continues to be transferred to countries such as North Korea, Iran, and Pakistan. 

Since 2001, the Bush Administration has imposed sanctions on 31 “entities” in China for proliferation concerns-- some of them, closely linked to individuals and agencies in the Chinese regime.

On a series of other issues, Beijing’s performance has also been wanting. 

In January of this year, for example, China carried out an unannounced test of an anti-satellite (ASAT) weapon. 

This ASAT test was not the action of a “responsible stakeholder,” as it was, not only provocative, but it also posed a significant risk to existing commercial and military satellite systems.

In March, the National People's Congress (NPC), the rubber-stamp legislative body of the People’s Republic of China, convened for approximately two short weeks, as it does annually.

During this session, a spokesperson publicly announced that China will increase its defense budget by 17.8 percent this year to nearly $45 billion dollars.

Some experts estimate / that the real spending level could be as high as three times that official figure. 
 
Who’s the target and what is the purpose of Beijing’s build-up?

Then there’s China’s support for rogue regimes in exchange for the acquisition of scarce resources. 

I recently traveled to Darfur with a bipartisan Congressional delegation and witnessed the ongoing genocide there.

China, through its oil-for-weapons program with the regime in Khartoum, is complicit in the carnage against the Sudanese people.

This must come to an end now. 

Beijing is pursuing similar odious relationships with repressive regimes throughout the African continent and in Latin America as well. 

With respect to human rights, the continuing implementation of the "one country, two systems" formula for Hong Kong, has been a major disappointment for those who hoped that it would provide a means for introducing grassroots democracy. 

Restriction on religious freedom, including the refusal to have a meaningful dialogue with the Vatican, is a cause for major concern.

Abuse of refugees in violation of international agreements  -- the shooting last fall of Tibetan refugees on the border with Nepal and the continued forced repatriation of North Korean refugees  -- is unacceptable from any nation but, in particular, from a country that aspires to international stature as a great power and Olympics host. 

Suppression of minority groups such as the Tibetans and the Uyghurs continues unabated. 

Beijing has also stubbornly rejected the Dalai Lama's call for negotiations on his nonviolent "middle way" of true autonomy for Tibet.

The Chinese leadership appears to be cynically waiting on the Dalai Lama’s death to finalize their plans for complete control over His Holiness’ homeland. 

Ambassador Negroponte, as you can see, there are many concerns regarding the lack of progress in the past year with regard to Beijing’s emergence as a so-called “responsible stakeholder” in the world community.

I welcome your comments.