rotating images House Committee on Foreign Affairs: Republicans: Statement: Opening Remarks for Briefing: "The Baker-Hamilton Commission Report"
House Committee on Foreign Affairs: Republicans: Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Ranking Member

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House Foreign Affairs Committee
U.S. House of Representatives
Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Ranking Republican
 
Opening Remarks for Briefing:
"The Baker-Hamilton Commission Report"
     
January 19, 2007
 

I would like to begin by commending the members of the Iraq Study Group for their work on the situation in Iraq and for providing many useful recommendations to assist our debate regarding U.S. policy in that country. 

Ensuring security and stability must be our overriding priority.

Without significantly reducing the level of sectarian violence and effectively combating the insurgents and their death squads, little progress can be expected in establishing peace and stability in Iraq.

However, we cannot achieve these goals by ourselves.
 
As the President has stated, the principal responsibility for ensuring peace and security in Iraq lies with the Iraqi government and the Iraqi people.

As for the Report itself, I have strong reservations regarding some of the Commission’s assessments and recommendations.

The first concerns the proposal to turn to state-sponsors of terrorism, namely Iran and Syria, to help stabilize Iraq. (Recommendation 9- p. 51-52)

Direct engagement with Iran and Syria, without first requiring that these regimes: (a) end their support of the insurgency groups within Iraq and (b) end their assistance to Islamist jihadist groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah, would send a terrible message that the U.S. is willing to overlook almost any outrage by our enemies in return for the vague prospect of help.

The reality is that the interests of Iran and Syria in Iraq are opposed to those of the Iraqi people and the United States.

These repressive regimes are not interested in establishing a stable democracy in Iraq, because that would directly threaten their own priorities.
Iran continues to provide arms, funding, and training to Iraq’s Shiite militias, including Moqtada al-Sadr’s Mahdi Army, which has been responsible for much of the bloodshed in Iraq and which has targeted U.S.-led coalition forces. 

Syria also reportedly continues to fund many of the insurgents in Iraq and has allowed money and weapons to be funneled to al-Qaeda and other extremist groups operating there.

The truth is that the reason Iran and Syria might want to cooperate is not to help Iraq but to help themselves by reducing the international pressure now building on them in other areas. 

The U.S. and its allies have placed significant pressure on the Iranian regime to halt its clandestine nuclear program.

The UN Security Council is also taking steps to hold Iran accountable for its nonproliferation violations, calling on Tehran to suspend its uranium enrichment program.

However, Iran continues to ignore these and other measures and refuses to cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency, even though it is bound by international treaty to do so.

Merely saying that Iran “should stem the flow of equipment, technology and training to any group resorting to violence in Iraq,” (p. 53 of the ISG report) is not sufficient.

The same is true for Syria. 

The Syrian regime hopes to use the appearance of cooperating with the international community to divert attention from its involvement in the 2005 assassination of former Prime Minister of Lebanon Rafik Hariri and its ongoing efforts to reassert its influence over Lebanon. 

Given the interests of these two countries, their ongoing terrorist activities, and their poor record of international cooperation, I strongly believe that it would be a mistake to turn to them for assistance in Iraq.

Further, I am concerned that such unconditional negotiations with rogue regimes like Iran Syria would hamper, rather than promote and encourage U.S. allies in the region, to engage in the Diplomatic Offensive described in the report. (Recommendation 1- p. 45)

Another significant concern I have with the report is its linking the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to the situation in Iraq.(Recommendations 13 – 15, and 17)

I have a hard time believing that if the Israelis and Palestinians were to make peace tomorrow, that the insurgents in Iraq would stop their attacks; that ethnic strife would immediately stop;  that al-Qaeda would  pack up their bags and leave; and that Iran would give up its plans for regional domination.

I agree that it is essential that the U.S. continue to make every effort to help the Israelis and the Palestinians achieve peace and security.
 
However, we should not adopt the rhetoric or give credence to the excuses offered by the likes of Syria, to justify their support of jihadists and suicide bombers as “legitimate resistance.”

I am concerned that if some of these recommendations were implemented, these and other recommendations would greatly complicate the situation in Iraq and have damaging consequences for U.S. policy throughout the Middle East.
 
I have read the entire report by the Iraq Study Group carefully but will leave those for the questioning period.
 
Again, I believe there is much of value in this report.  It paves the way for creative thinking.

I look forward to hearing the testimony of the witnesses.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.